Close ties between the US and ASEAN

Globalisation demands global diplomacy adaptable to regional requirements. The Asia-Pacific area is emerging as the epicentre of future global economic growth leading to a scenario where the current century will enter history as the Asia-Pacific Century.

Consequently appropriate attention should be given to South-East Asia and its main institutional structure represented by the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), which will be 40 years old next year.

With its ten members (Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam) ASEAN is home to over 500 million people, 60 per cent of whom are under 30 years of age. Its combined GDP is the third largest in Asia, after China and Japan. It covers an extraordinary spectrum of cultures, religions and political systems. Its members include the world's most populous Muslim nation, a most prestigious Buddhist kingdom, a Catholic democracy, an absolute monarchy, two communist-run states and a country led by a military junta.

Beyond any anti-US rhetoric, many analysts of the geopolitical map assert that in the Asia-Pacific Century the US may well remain the world's leading power and will sharpen its focus within the region.

But analysts ignore the future of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), an inter-governmental organisation founded in 2001 by six countries - China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Its member states cover an area of over 30 million square kilometres, or about three fifths of Eurasia, with a population of 1.455 billion, representing about a quarter of the world's total.

Unlike ASEAN, the SCO has a charter, legal personality and observer status with the United Nations (UN). According to press reports, Mongolia, Iran, India and Pakistan will become SCO members.

To understand the significance and implications of current geopolitics in the Asia-Pacific region, diplomats and analysts must first of all assess statements from the US, ASEAN and the SCO without any bias against US foreign policy.

Partnership not paternalism

As the joint statement, issued by the US and ASEAN in June 28, 2005, shows the key strategic issues that shape ASEAN-US relations include: ongoing commitment to the reconstruction of tsunami-devastated areas; significant and growing trade relationships; co-operation in fighting terrorism; ensuring the security of critical waterways; a shared commitment to halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction-related technology; and joint efforts to prevent the spread of diseases like avian influenza, and so on.

The close engagement between ASEAN and the US remains a key foundation for regional peace, security and prosperity. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) is the primary forum for enhancing political and security co-operation in the Asia-Pacific region. ASEAN is in the driver's seat in that structure and it will continue to be relevant to the US for strategic reasons.

For ASEAN the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia (TAC) is very important as a code of conduct governing relations in the region promoting peace and stability. In this connection, ASEAN stated that it would welcome the US acceding to the TAC. That would be a very significant event as a symbol of collective political commitment. Indeed, Article 1 of TAC stipulates that the purpose of the treaty is to promote perpetual peace, everlasting amity and co-operation among peoples which would contribute to their strength, solidarity and closer relationship.

There is progress in implementing the ASEAN-US Work Plan on Counter-Terrorism. The US supports the ongoing efforts of ASEAN to prevent, suppress and eradicate acts of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and to combat transnational crime.

The above issues have been further updated in the Joint Vision Statement on the ASEAN-US Enhanced Partnership, released in November 2005. This partnership is comprehensive, action-oriented and forward-looking, and comprises political and security co-operation, and economic, social and development collaboration.

Some examples of this partnership are relevant for their topicality: recognition of the importance of non-proliferation in all aspects of nuclear weapons in South-East Asia; co-operation on disaster management; enhancing ASEAN's regional energy infrastructure; and deepening co-operation in science, technology, information, communications technology and education. The ASEAN foreign ministers and the US Secretary of State are developing a Plan of Action to implement the Enhanced Partnership, as it must continuously be adapted to new dynamics and realities.

ASEAN's representatives expressed the wish that the US becomes an important strategic economic and development partner as much as it is an important diplomatic partner. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice reaffirmed this year that the US was eager to work with ASEAN through this new Enhanced Partnership. The US is strengthening its partnership with ASEAN also through structures like the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the ARF, to confront current global threats.

The US is working to conclude Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) in South-East Asia. It signed one with Singapore, has ongoing talks with Thailand, and began negotiations with Malaysia. These are important steps towards a free trade community. Malaysia is the 10th largest trading partner with the US. The proposed FTA would diversify the range of exports from Malaysia and help it become a more knowledge-based and technology-intensive economy.

Transformational diplomacy

There are further promising signs. The US took steps to enhance ties with ASEAN countries, conforming to their objectives of transformational diplomacy being promoted at regular, public and summit levels. That means the US is preparing to work with its partners to build and sustain democratic, well-governed states that will respond to the needs of their people and will conduct themselves responsibly in the international arena.

It has been emphasised at the highest professional and political level that transformational diplomacy is rooted in partnership, not in paternalism. America's diplomatic power is to be used to help foreign citizens build better lives, build nations and transform futures.

Quite recently, the US Senate received the proposal entitled, “The US Ambassador for ASEAN Act”. It deals with the pioneering initiative of appointing an ambassador to look after the ASEAN area. The ASEAN envoy would help at a diplomatic level in the implementation of the Enhanced Partnership.

On another front, the US-Vietnam World Trade Organisation (WTO) Coalition has appealed to US businesses and organisations to lobby for Vietnam's accession to the WTO and further improvements in bilateral relations. The coalition has been initiated by the US-ASEAN Business Council and US-Vietnam Trade Council. It has called for Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) to Vietnam, a key requirement for its WTO admission.

Some American specialists believe the US should issue a strategic report on South-East Asia in order to provide an official assessment of regional developments. It should be focused on major concerns, issues, interests and priorities to be addressed by policy-makers and the analytical community.

This area is becoming a real force in global affairs and needs to be dealt with on its own terms. This is not easy because the prevailing tendency is still to see global affairs only through an Atlantic lens. Such a limited vision risks distorting Washington's understanding of significant events in the area. In addition, an incorrect reading of the forces at work in the region could be detrimental to the very pragmatic objective of harnessing Asia's dynamism and energy in promoting both US and ASEAN interests.

Defining a long-term workable and comprehensive strategy requires more energetic diplomatic efforts from all parties for deepening and broadening bilateral and multilateral co-operation in South-East Asia. Valuable lessons can be learned from ASEAN's diplomatic experience according to which reforms, institutional arrangements and decision-making processes should move forward at a pace comfortable to all participants.

Precipitation may prove to be the enemy of progress. The old geopolitics of “win-lose” should be replaced by the unambiguous politics of “win-win” for all. In order to succeed, this demands a diplomacy characterised by flexibility, imaginative work, a greater sense of predictability and reliability.