According to the Election Department (ELD), only 6,570 overseas Singaporeans of 217,200 voted in GE2020, reportedly along similar lines to local voters. Many thousands were disenfranchised due to restrictions on overseas voting. Expatriates contacted by Asia Sentinel around the ASEAN region, Australia, and the US said that the expatriate population is overwhelmingly sympathetic towards the opposition. If more overseas Singaporeans had the opportunity to vote, this would have a strong influence on future results.
Can a collective alternative voice emerge?
The opposition is not a homogeneous grouping and certainly far from united, with some parties appearing self-centered rather than seeking mutual consensus and cooperation. Opposition stalwarts told Asia Sentinel, in meetings before the election, the Workers Party had been reluctant to cooperate formally and instead extended it on an ad hoc basis. Any change now depends more on what the opposition does than what the government doesn't do.
Bonds of trust need to be developed across the opposition. Even with the Aljunied-Hougang Town Council civil suit against WP chief Pritam Singh and fellow Aljunied-Hougang MPs Sylvia Lim and Low Thia Khiang, there is a perception among some within the opposition that the WP is too accommodating with the ruling PAP. The WP manifesto was even criticized for being too much like the PAP's. Lee Hsien Loong's announcement conferring official opposition leader status upon Pritam Singh could be a ploy to prevent further solidarity of opposition parties. Indeed, some political observers say, there is a risk that the PAP could in fact coopt the Worker Party into a trap.
The GE2020 campaign didn't produce any reported friction or stumbling blocks between most of the opposition parties, except for one three cornered contest between the Singapore Democratic Alliance and the Peoples Voice, both splinter parties. The campaign tended to be reactive to issues arising during the campaign debates, like the 10 million population controversy. Opposition parties on the whole didn't present alternative policies, which potentially could have shown up conflicts and differences. The common theme emphasized checks and balances against governance, or as senior PAP minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam said immediately after the election, bring a 'new balance in politics' that will promote vigorous debate between the PAP and opposition.
It will be the behavior of the WP inside and outside of parliament that will be closely watched to see how Pritam Singh fits into the new role. If the opposition is to progress to the next step, Pritam Singh must utilize his good relations with Tan Chee Bock (already 82) of the PSP, Paul Tambyah and Chee Soon Juan of the SDP, and Lim Tean of the PV, among others, to build a formidable opposition for the next election. The interpersonal dynamics between them will be critical to the future of the opposition.
The opposition doesn't have to present any grand vision for Singapore to win over voters. The opposition only has to show that it sincerely cares for the welfare of Singaporeans and can do so with full transparency and accountability. The overwhelming number of middle class/middle aged voters, deemed as the sandwiched class, are those who are suffering from unemployment and competition for jobs from foreign workers and new citizens. Many have been forced into the unstable gig economy, which has created an environment of insecurity, particularly the future of their children. This section of voters is also concerned about public housing leases, which directly affect personal asset value. Although, in this recent election, the PAP assisted many of these people in the Covid-19 crisis, around 100,000 votes drifted towards the opposition.
The PAP has failed to appease this segment of the constituency, as fourth-generation leaders haven't clearly demonstrated where jobs are going to come from. They were shown clearly not to have the answers. This is where the PAP needs to gain confidence if the party is going to survive over the next generation. This will be the PAPs Achilles heel, electorally.
Nor have the 4G leaders captured the imagination of millennial voters. This group wants to see diversity of opinions, discussion, debate, and entrepreneurial approaches to problems. The way 4G leaders attacked the opposition, particularly the way WP Sengkang GRC candidate Raeesah Khan was treated, and how Dr Chee Soon Juan was savaged by the PAP over the10 million population controversy, was seen by younger voters as an affront to the democratic process, and probably was a major factor in PAP's loss of the constituency to the WP. Questions about the PAP manifesto and arrogance of some PAP cadres is a major turn off for the younger generation. The PAP needs to have a massive rethink about the way they campaign in future elections.
The young generation of voters are not getting information from the mainstream media. This propaganda channel has lost much of its influence over the electorate. Millennials almost totally rely on social media as a source of information and opinion. Once opinions are swayed within cyberspace in a particular direction, the PAP found it's extremely difficult to counteract.
Now that an officially recognized opposition exists, it must be perceived as a collective alternative, if one day it has designs on becoming the government. Without this perception of unity, the PAP will be able to easily discredit its integrity. Opposition unity is a major part of the platform is needed to garner millennial support and loyalty.
The next political step for the opposition will require the major opposition parties putting aside their individual agendas in the interests of creating a truly democratic Singapore. First, a modus operandi of cooperation must be forged, which before the next election should fit nicely into some form of formal coalition.
The WP already has strong electoral appeal, with strongholds in the Aljunied, Sengkang and Hougang areas. The SDP, after flailing for decades, is also potentially a strong electoral force which is capable of taking Bukit Batok, Bukit Panjang and possibly Marsiling-YewTee GRCs. The newly formed PSP should be much stronger next election and could put up formidable challenges in several areas.
Three cornered contests must be avoided at all costs. Whether the splinter parties including the National Solidarity Party, Singapore Peoples Party and Red Dot United survive or die of irrelevance will be seen over the next few years.