The Crown remains an important regional link for Australia

Despite the complications caused by the rapid escalation of the Covid-19 virus in Papua New Guinea, and its possible spread throughout the region, Australia needs to urgently ensure its response to the pandemic does not detract from the need to more widely strengthen our links with the immediate region.

China's "advance" may on the surface appear to have suffered a setback but the reality is that its advancing influence has not been stopped, or even impeded in the countries it is giving the greatest attention to.

China has made token offers when it comes to the Covid-19 vaccine and especially in PNG there is division in government about whether to take it up or go only with the generous Australian offer and WHO-led international support.

The reluctance by PNG to decide on the 200,000 China vaccine offer was all too clear this week when the PNG Health Minister was interviewed on Sky News Australia. When pressed about whether PNG would use the China vaccines on offer he dodged and weaved in his response. The impression I got was that if he can get away politically with adopting the China offer he will do so!

The virus remains a huge and growing issue in Papua New Guinea. Aspects of our response may have been slower than they might have been, and suspicion in the PNG community about the virus, and vaccines, remains a real problem. But generally the Australian response has been strong enough to counter Chinese official and unofficial criticism.

But I believe the virus, and rolling out testing and vaccines, must not detract from our wider challenge in the South Pacific – effectively countering the growing and increasingly aggressive China influence AND rebuilding our relationships which have been allowed to drift for years.

The death of Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, has reminded me of another link that should not be under-valued as we engage more meaningfully than we have done for some time.

Australia, Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands have a common link via the Crown. We are not just members of the Commonwealth, the Queen is our head of state.

Other Pacific Island nations are members of the Commonwealth – such as Vanuatu, Tonga, Fiji, Kiribati and Nauru - but have their own head of state.

We need to look at how our common link with the Crown can enhance our influence in the "Crowned Countries" of PNG and Solomon Islands.

The nature of our relationship with The Queen, and the Royal Family, differs from that of the people of PNG, and the Solomon Islands, in some key respects….but there are important similarities.

As an example, the Queen's representative in Australia is chosen by the Prime Minister. In both Papua New Guinea and The Solomon Islands the Governor General is chosen by the National Parliament and agreed to by the Queen.

Royal visits to Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands had been diminishing in frequency before the pandemic restrictions. That was not for a lack of interest or enthusiasm, but simply because of the high cost of modern royal visits.

But when the last royal visits were made to Papua New Guinea the crowds were as big as they ever were, and the enthusiasm as genuine as ever.

Even though Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare introduced PNG's own honours system in the early 2000s he took great care that in doing so the Imperial honours system was retained. That remains the position today…..a dual system.

Sadly, royal visits to the Crowned Countries in our region, as well as other Commonwealth Nations, are going to be off the agenda for at least this year, and probably next year.

But as soon as they can safely be made Australia should work with the Commonwealth countries of the South Pacific to help facilitate visits by members of the Royal Family, and especially Princess Anne who is highly regarded in PNG and of course Prince Charles who represented the Queen at PNG's Independence, and earlier visited PNG when he was at school in Australia.

It is known and accepted in PNG and the Solomon Islands that the Queen will no longer make visits but support for Her Majesty appear s to me to be undiminished.

There are no substantial republican movements in either country today, and I do not sense that will change tomorrow.

It is an important, continuing, link Australia should look at building on to enhance our engagement with our closest neighbours.

There are many "counter offers" China trots out to undermine our influence – such as so-called low interest loans, scholarships for school and tertiary students and the like. But the unique link we have as Crowned countries cannot be matched!

One of the outstanding features of Prince Philip's service to the Commonwealth was the Duke of Edinburgh's International Awards Scheme. Hundreds of thousands of young Australians have participated in it since Prince Philip founded it.

The "median age" of the population in PNG is just 22 years. It is similar in the Solomon Islands and not that different in Fiji or Vanuatu.

The Australian Government should look at the effectiveness of The Duke of Edinburgh Awards and consider promoting and funding a similar scheme in our immediate region.

The cost would be comparatively small – yet the long-term benefits would be considerable.

The service of His Royal Highness to the Commonwealth could also be marked by special scholarships in his name for high school, and tertiary, students from both countries.

Before I conclude I want to offer a couple of personal reflections on the unique nature of the role and personality of the Governor General in Papua New Guinea.

When I joined the late Sir Iambakey Okuk, then PNG Opposition Leader, in 1978, his Deputy was the late Sir John Guise. Sir John had been the first Governor General of the newly independent Papua New Guinea in 1975, but resigned within 18 months to return to politics at the 1977 national elections.

I had a unique opportunity to ask him about the role, and why he resigned. One of the major reasons was that he quickly discovered that the office was totally without power!

He reminded me that the removal of the Whitlam Government by Sir John Kerr in 1975 simply could not happen in PNG. The Governor General had, and has, NO reserve powers and must act on the advice of the Prime Minister and the Government of the day. While he knew he had no reserve powers when he was appointed, I sensed that in office it frustrated him.

The second reflection I recall vividly occurred when I was advising the then PNG Prime Minister, Sir Rabbie Namaliu. It offers an interesting insight into the unique relationship between Her Majesty and Her Governments.

The Deputy Prime Minister in the Namaliu Government, Ted Diro, had been forced to stand aside under the PNG Leadership Code by the Ombudsman Commission. It was my view then, and its remains so today, that the decision to force Mr Diro to stand aside was flawed and frankly unjust.

Without consulting the Prime Minister, the Governor General purported to reinstate the Deputy Prime Minister.

Despite the fact he wanted his Deputy to return, the Prime Minister had no constitutional choice but to seek Her Majesty's intervention to remove the Governor General. The Palace was contacted, and it was clear that Her Majesty would act on the advice of Her Prime Minister.

A messenger with the written request from the Prime Minister was despatched to London.

Fortunately by the time he arrived in transit in Singapore the Governor General submitted his resignation and that ended the process. But in the light of the Kerr-Whitlam experience it offered an interesting perspective on the relationship between the Queen and her realm!

At a time when we need to use every device available to counter China's aggressive and growing influence in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands and the region, our links to the Crown need to be re-examined and strengthened no matter how different they may appear to be!