The dissatisfaction with the major parties, their policies and leaders is widespread. Up to 35 per cent of the voting population has given first preference to minor parties and Independents in recent years without this being reflected much in seats won.
Australia’s current single-member district electoral system ensures that most preferences end up with the major parties, at least in all lower houses of federal and state parliaments except perhaps Tasmania. This means that the claim that Australia is a representative democracy is a myth - and not only on this ground. In any electorate nearly half the population is not represented by their MP.
The unrepresentative “winner takes all” mentality is typical of that electoral system. Other major disadvantages are: pork barrelling, frequent boundary adjustments, neglect of safe seats and minority government. However, I would like to concentrate on the desirability of abolishing compulsory voting as soon as possible. Compulsory voting further strengthens the unquestionably negative effects of the single-member district system.
It has turned the two-party system into a two-party tyranny of two look-alike parties.
Very few industrialised countries use compulsory voting. Australia is the only English speaking country that has compulsory voting. Some scholars of the University of Adelaide, for example, Hill, L (2002) and Louth, J & Hill, J (2005), have advocated in recent years that Australia should export its model (template) to other countries.
The motivation behind such ideas is that this would reverse the rather modest decline in voter turn-out in such countries. It reminds one somewhat of the export of Australia’s so-called “Pacific Solution”.
Compulsory voting could be a valuable aid in the prevention of civic demobilisation and the re-establishment of civic habits in established democracies that are currently experiencing a democratic deficit problem. Britain and the United States are just two examples. (Hill L. 2002)
It is a non-solution. We would be exporting a dubious practice while there is an urgency to put our own house in order. Much is made of the fact that Australia has efficient Electoral Commissions and Administrations. However, the relationship between an efficient administration and the democratic quality of an electoral system are two entirely different mutually exclusive aspects. A completely inappropriate system can be administered effectively - with guaranteed unsatisfactory results.
Furthermore, the decline in political participation, while fairly widespread in the West, is related to many factors. It is very difficult to try to quantify these in a meaningful comparative fashion. Moreover if, say, the introduction voluntary voting in Australia resulted in a turn-out of 40-45 per cent, conceivable at least initially, the quality of the vote might go up enormously, as most of the uninterested, the indifferent, the gullible and ignorant would no longer vote.
Many have had quite enough of the political system simply because they are compelled to vote for the major party candidates many of whom are not regarded highly at all, for many reasons.
Opinion polls, which claim that 60 per cent to 70 per cent approve of compulsory voting, are based on a situation where respondents cannot make a comparison because most have no experience with voluntary voting systems. Also they cannot assess the effects of it in Australia either: comparisons with voting patterns prior to 1924 are now quite meaningless.
The Adelaide scholars also make the error of assuming that compulsory voting would result in a significantly higher level of political participation, knowledge and interest. but there is no evidence of that. And in Australia this is simply untrue: knowledge of the political system, the Constitution, public policy, and so on, in Australia is appallingly deficient.
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