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Rainbow revolution: why Mitt Romney's defeat is bad news for Tony Abbott

By Robert Simms - posted Tuesday, 13 November 2012


While predicted by most pollsters, the defeat of Republican Mitt Romney in last week's presidential election confounded some of the orthodoxies of modern politics.

In spite of a stalled economy and a poisonous political environment, on election day Romney's lead among white Americans, evangelical Christians and the elderly was no match for Obama's'rainbow coalition' of Hispanic, black, single women, gay and younger voters.

Obama has become the first President since Roosevelt to win re-election with such a high unemployment rate and only the second Democrat since World War II to win a second term. So if it wasn't the economy then what was it?

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The failure of the Republicans says much about changing values in 21st century America. There are also some lessons for politicians here in Australia and the result should sound alarm bells for Tony Abbott in particular…

The seeds of the Republican party's defeat were sown in their failure to articulate a clear alternative vision. Throughout much of the Obama presidency the Republicans attempted to obstruct his agenda. This strategy seemed to be premised on the belief that by creating an air of crisis and chaos, Republicans could undermine Obama's claim to change politics. Indeed, in an environment of hyper-partisanship the President's approval ratings began to dip as the lofty rhetoric of hope and change was tempered by the realities of office.

Under Presidential aspirant, Mitt Romney the Republicans continued to adopt a small target seeking to frame the 2012 election as a referendum on Obama's leadership. Repealing the President's controversial health care package, 'Obamacare' was the centerpiece of this strategy.

The failure of Romney to articulate his own vision however allowed his opponent to fill in the gaps. Obama effectively framed the election as a battle between two competing value systems. In this frame, Obama embodied progress and fairness; while Romney was a creature of the past, representing the vested interests of economic elites. This was not however entirely of the President's making and Romney himself facilitated this narrative in a number of ways:

Despite being of the more moderate wing of his party, Romney's decision to chose hardline pro-life advocate Paul Ryan as his running mate injected gender politics into the US Presidential race. In addition, Romney was forced to distance himself from Republican Senators Akin and Mourdock following their appalling comments on rape. Romney was also wrong-footed on immigration and his hard-line stance appeared to backfire, alienating many migrant groups. Such positioning only served to reinforce perceptions that the Republican candidate was out of step with the mainstream.

On the economy, voters began to worry about the implications of Romney's vision for a smaller state when a leaked video showed him claiming that 47 per cent of Americans "were dependent on government and would vote for Obama no matter what." It was an unfortunate gaffe for a man already depicted by the

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Democrats as a 'vulture-capitalist'disinterested in the plight of struggling Americans.

Obama on the other hand offered a very different vision. The President was steadfast in his defence of women's reproductive rights, he abolished 'don't ask, don't tell' in the military and was the first President to support gay marriage. He also proposed progressive immigration reform and continued to advocate for higher taxes for the rich as part of his social justice agenda. Obama's triumph lay in his ability to pull together diverse constituencies under this 'inclusivity and fairness' values framework.

While economic management is still central, political leadership is also about reflecting and projecting shared community values. The conservative side of politics has understood the importance of this for sometime and the pairing of classical liberal economics with social conservatism has proved a winning formula. However, as the community changes, the majoritarian status of these values is being challenged. The traditional symbols of church and family are becoming less powerful as democracies become more secular and culturally and ethnically diverse.

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About the Author

Robert Simms has worked as an advisor to two Australian Greens Senators and is currently a PhD candidate at the School of Social and Policy Studies at Flinders University.

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