Hong Kong growth falters under 'one country, two systems' Chinese-style democracy

Keith Bradsher, writing in the New York Times, suggests that the limited term has “clear political advantages” for Beijing. Direct elections for Hong Kong's chief executive - the basic platform of the pro-democracy movement - were postponed until 2007 last year.

"By holding elections in 2007 for another five-year term, mainland officials have effectively pushed back until 2012 any broad elections for the territory's leader," Mr Bradsher notes.

The South China Morning Post claims that that the limit on Mr Tsang's tenure not only flouted the Basic Law, it was also unconstitutional. While others argue that the short-term contract allows the mainland authorities to try out the new leader - widely tipped to be Donald Tsang - before appointing him on a more permanent basis.

"Political expediency has been allowed to prevail over the rule of law," the South China Morning Post claimed. "It is, in this sense, a sad day for Hong Kong." Coming after not only a few sad days but many years of them. During our interview, Shiu sin-por gently suggested that Hong Kong's problems following its return to China were little more than “growing pains”.

Pro-democracy advocates frame it differently. According to writer Kwok Nai-wang, the situation in Hong Kong is now worse than under colonial rule. "Over the past 50 years, but especially after the riots in Hong Kong in 1967, the British style of government was extended to Hong Kong." Now, Beijing's authoritarian style paired with the untrammeled sway of local tycoons, he argued, was putting all that at risk.

Many of the protesters last year wore T-shirts with the faces of two radio shock jocks - Albert Cheng King-hon and Raymond Wong Yuk-man - and the words: “Please come back.” The men quit their jobs after what they said was a campaign to silence them.

According to Amnesty International's Bella Luk Po-chu their resignations were a major blow. "We aren't just talking about the person himself talking freely," she said. "These programs also give the opportunity to the public to phone in and share opinions. If these hosts are gone, this public opinion also has nowhere to go."

There is no question that the last decade has been tough for Hong Kong. Between 1991-1997, the territory's economy grew at an annual rate of 5.1 per cent, but has recently struggled to manage half that. This means Hong Kong's previously impervious citizens feel jittery, especially when mainland centres across the border are booming.

Leading up to last year's rally, Beijing announced the development of a major economic venture encompassing the entire Pearl River delta - a move widely welcomed in the territory still finding its way, in the shadow not only of Beijing, but the mainland's major commercial centres.