Windschuttle and the Stolen Generations

Windschuttle’s own rehashing of Bruce Trevorrow’s childhood shows that, far from being encouraged to retain contact, Bruce’s mother was lied to and prevented from having access to her son for years. Bruce was not told of the identity or whereabouts of his natural family until the age of ten. By this time, the Aboriginal Affairs Act 1962 was operating and any guardianship the Aborigines Department may have enjoyed over Trevorrow had dissolved.

In 2007, in the Supreme Court of South Australia, Justice Gray found that Bruce Trevorrow’s removal from his family was illegal; that the State breached its duty of care to him; and that he was falsely imprisoned (Trevorrow v State of South Australia (2007) 5 SASC 285 para. 1228). And yet Windschuttle argues that the removal of Trevorrow actually proves the non-existence of the Stolen Generations in South Australia. If there really was “a project to end the Aboriginality of those like him”, Windschuttle asks, why weren’t his older siblings removed as well? (Windschuttle, K 2009, p589.)

It’s a fair question. The answer is this. By 1957, the “project” had all but been abandoned. In that sense the removal of Bruce Trevorrow is a relatively isolated event and perhaps cannot be seen as part of a project or program: or, if it can, as one of the final “kicks” of that program’s death-throes. In any case, the program of child removal in South Australia was always of a stop-start, opportunistic nature. The Aborigines Department was always constrained by the ability of the missions to accommodate children and by the fact that it was engaged in a covert operation. As such, it removed Aboriginal children surreptitiously and in small numbers, and preferred to target parents who lived in remote locations, away from the public gaze.

They had to - the department was aware that their actions were of questionable legality. The program faltered in 1949, when they finally received confirmation from the crown solicitor that what they were doing was illegal. Faltered, but didn’t entirely halt, as the Trevorrow case reveals. This explains why Trevorrow’s siblings weren’t also taken.

And finally, the question of genocide. Windschuttle contends that Aboriginal children “were never removed from their families in order to put an end to Aboriginality” (Windschuttle, K 2009, p17). He writes:

There was no unequivocal statement by anyone in genuine authority that child removal was intended to end Aboriginality (Windschuttle, K 2009, p20).

How then does Windschuttle explain this? In their annual report of 1911, the State Children’s Council wrote on the proposal to remove “half-caste, quadroon and octoroon” Aboriginal children, paying “special attention” to the girls:

The Council is fully persuaded of the importance of prompt action in order to prevent the growth of a race that would rapidly increase in numbers, attain a maturity without education or religion, and become a menace to the morals and health of the community [emphasis added] (South Australia, Parliament 1911, Annual Report of State Children’s Council, Parliamentary Paper no20).

In 1911, the State Children’s Council was the peak body in South Australia concerned with the welfare (and removal) of children. It had “genuine authority”. Its “unequivocal statement” clearly shows that its intention was to “put an end to Aboriginality” or at least to a significant manifestation of it.

Well, Mr Windschuttle?